Filed under: SA universities and transformation, South African universities, Southern African politics, things that suck | Tags: African Women, Black Consciousness, Black people, Black women, Black women's activism, Blogroll, Higher Education transformation, Jonathan Jansen, language, South Africa, South African politics, University of the Free State, writing back
This is the longer version of my column in this past weekend (01 November 2009) in the City Press:
I have been as intrigued by Jonathan Jansen’s inaugural lecture as the thirteenth Vice Chancellor of the University of the Free State (UFS) as I have been by some of the responses. Time may have shifted somewhat, but the Jansen saga is a reminder of various things we would do well to reflect on. Jansen lyrical references to the conflicted pasts of both the Free State province and the University itself did little to mask the real meat at the heart of Jansen’s talk: his decision on “the Reitz matter”. Although he claimed his interest in “closing the book on Reitz” and “reconciliation, forgiveness and social justice”, the University of the Free State’s first black rector legitimated the ongoing trivialization of working class black people’s lives. The ANCYL is wrong to expect us to claim him just because he is black and pretend no insult has been uttered. The workers who were victimized by the students the new UFS rector wishes to protect are also black. Who claims them?
Unlike Jansen, I am not surprised that the Reitz “atrocity could have been committed on the grounds of an institution of higher learning”. This is the easiest part of the entire Reitz video saga, unless we deliberately choose to ignore both history and the ongoing state of South African academia. It is the academy that first popularised notions of racial and other supremacy through scientific racism. Higher education continues to be shaped by this legacy in ways too numerous to list here, but on which much academic literature exists. Jansen knows this well. His claimed ignorance is a mere rhetorical strategy and not a very convincing one at that.
Having recognised that the racist performance captured on tape was enabled by institutional power, rather than individual deviant peculiarities, Jansen proceeds to re-enact it. First he treats the entire matter as though it is about sets of two arbitrary individuals set up against each other: errant young white men versus violated black workers who can be quickly compensated so that they may forgive. It is noteworthy that Jansen spends barely any ink on these workers. The bulk of his narrative is dedicated to those who matter: the young men whose futures are at risk, who need to be re-intergrated into the university community in order to acquire further institutional power. In order to mask this evaluation, Jansen is silent on the place of justice, responsibility and recognition. Not for these young UFS hooligans, the expulsion metted out to many other students who act in ways universities do not like, even if the latter’s transgressions are victimless. In Jansen’s book, the futures of the expelled UFS students are much more important than the lives of the students financially excluded from his and many other institutions of higher learning.
Jansen evokes that terrible convenient Christian narrative we had to all deal with during the fraught TRC to invite us to share his complicity. But Jansen takes it a step further, and unlike the TRC the violated are not even required to forgive, or speak at all. The workers who were publicly humiliated will be compensated in unnamed ways; they are not even important enough to consult. Legality stands between Jansen and the acknowledgement of their humanity. The workers are simply required to forgive these young men for their behaviour, and stop being difficult, like the rest of us. They need to just pretend that their humiliation is over and stop being a nuisance. This is one of the inheritances of the TRC: this terrible obligation of black forgiveness. Along with it, we are invited to turn a blind eye to the very many ways in which violence against poor black people is endemic at UFS and the country. Like many others with institutional power, the new UFS rector has chosen the side of power.
Jansen has felt himself pressed to frequent Reitz, but there is no mention of how hard he tried to connect to the man and women who suffered such indignities. After all, along with the burden of obligatory forgiveness, black people are ever-ready to take the money and run. Biko was wrong when he said that all black people’s feelings matter. According to Jansen, white supremacists need not take responsibility for their action, no matter how obviously rightwing. In Jansen they have a brilliant ally.
As for the proposed “Reitz Institute for Studies in Race, Reconcilliation and Social Justice”, I think it calls for a rare moment of action by South African academia: its complete boycott. I know that you could not pay this particular Black woman academic enough money to go anywhere near it.
Filed under: Southern African politics, things that suck | Tags: 2009 elections, African nation state, nationalism, South Africa, Tokyo Sexwale, writing back
The business mogul, ex-guerilla, ex Premier of Gauteng Province, Tokyo Sexwale spent a night in an informal settlement recently as the South African media has been telling us ad nauseam over the last few days. Sexwale is now the Minister of Human Settlements. This blog-post is not about what a terrible title that is, even though, it never fails to conjure up beings from elsewhere in the universe looking at planet earth and engineering/studying settlement patterns, much like old fashioned anthropologists, I imagine. Very unfortunate choice of name.
Anyway, the Minister’s overnight adventure is quite an oddity as far as I am concerned. I will declare in advance, that sorting out housing must be one of the hardest portfolios of the new democracy for various reasons. First, there are ever growing numbers of people in urban areas, so no matter how many houses you build, more people will arrive maintaining the high demand for houses and other accommodation to be built. Then there is the complicated business of who is in the queue, who should be on the waiting list, who is renting out his RDP house, and so on. That’s before we think other infrastructural challenges like water, electricity and so forth, and that’s before we even really talk about the issues of ownership and displacement of people in rural and peri-urban areas.
I have considerable sympathies for the civil servants in the Housing and Human Settlement departments and units all over the country. Or most of them. But I have bigger sympathies for the people who don’t have homes that allow them to take safety, water, electricity and access to roads for granted.
Sexwale has a tough ministry. But his latest little publicity stunt is nothing short of odd. What exactly does it achieve? Does he have a better understanding of what people have to deal with when they live in informal housing? What is he – the expert now – after spending the night in a mkhukhu? Does that matter to anyone except him? What can he know in one night that he has failed to recognise even as it is common knowledge?
I am not convinced that this is anything more than a publicity stunt because something more sinister has to be going on for me to believe that the Sexwale does not know what a dire situation confronts people who live in shacks, given the consistent coverage that this issue gets in the SA (flawed) media. Has he not been able to listen to the news lately, or read any of the newspapers partly owned by his Mvelaphanda? Ever heard of Abahlali baseMjondolo (aka the Landless People’s Movement) and their very vocal campaigns, including the “no house, no land, no vote” one before the campain? I wonder what would happen if the Minister was “listening” before his overnighter in “a squatter camp” so that he would not need a “listening campaign” to know what everybody who has ever switched on their television set in winter knows about people being burnt alive trying to keep warm with paraffin stoves and heaters/or because candles fell over while someone was asleep or not looking. This is a problem throughout the country as we all know.
Then there is the yearly flooding in the Western Cape winter that is flighted every year, the dumping and scavenging cases in the Eastern Cape next to places where people have erected houses. I hope the Minister’s “listening campaign” will go beyond the showy business of spending the night in an informal settlement to acting on what we all know already.
All this latest stunt does is raise more questions, and suggest that he might be a nice person. Well, for “Tokyo” to be a nice person, which he probably is, is all swell. But elected officials don’t have to be nice people. They just have to be people who act in ways that are consistent with what they say they value.
Here’s to hoping that Minister Sexwale’s ears and eyes are wide open now and that we’ll see many results.